The windy days of the silly seasons

This piece intends to take glance at the current turn of events in the movement and more specifically in the African National Congress (ANC) building up to its centenary conference. The paper intends to locate some of the current challenges of the movement and raise a dialogue on the approach on solving them.  The present-day occasions in the movement are extremely complex! As many would know the current disagreements in the ANC began some time ago in more decent manner but as the time passes, the situation is getting worse and some outside the movement have began harping.

For the organization like the ANC this is unavoidable situation, whether they like it or not we shall talk about disagreements, always and everywhere; whether they like it or not we shall not abuse our right and privilege of belonging to the glorious movement. Although some within our ranks will want us to consider that the movement most particularly the ANC is privileged to have them as members. Indeed in such windy days the movement particularly the ANC requires some form of self-introspection and more especially in this silly season. Indeed we are faced with windy days of the silly season.

A light diagnoses would agree with the assertion that disagreements in an organized formation are inherently expected because partly the fundamental existence of change in society is as a result of disagreement, thus giving space for new societal outlook. It is within this context that disagreement must never be shut down but in the same vain disagreement must maintain discipline and uphold unity so as to separate disagreements with ill-discipline. The ANC is faced with ill-discipline disguise as the need to change. Carried within this behavior for change is a total disrespect for the movement, but beyond what the naked eye can see, is a serious challenge that requires the movement to deal with decisively otherwise this ‘cancer’ will deal with the ANC decisively.

The current commotion in the ANC and to a certain degree the entire movement is a commotion that is geared toward a consolidation of the movement for the total change of the movement morality and its focus. The focal point of this moral shift has everything to do with the accumulation of capital and nothing to do with working class and the poor. It has everything to do with inculcation of capitalist methods of living and nothing to do with changing the society for its own survival. The ANC right now is faced with this cancer which is haunting it from inside. But what could be the possible cause of this? Is it possible that this is a new syndrome? These are some of the fundamental questions which we need to tackle for a better and broader comprehension of the challenges that face the ANC building up to its centenary Conference.

But what could be the possible cause of the windy days?

“The national middle class which takes over power at the end of the colonial regime is an under-developed middle class. It has practically no economic power, and in any case it is in no way commensurate with the bourgeoisie of the mother country which it hopes to replace….. Neither financiers nor industrial magnates are to be found within this national middle class. The national bourgeoisie of under-developed countries is not engaged in production, nor in invention, nor building, nor labour; it is completely canalized into activities of the intermediary type. Its innermost vocation seems to be to keep in the running and to be part of the racket” (Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth).

This citation affirms that the quest of most liberation movements never looses sight of the fact that, those who come into power want to replace those who are in power without the interest of changing economic relations thus transforming the economy. If not stopped this becomes inevitable cycle. This will lead to the situation where even internal in the liberation movement the change of leadership does not reflect the change of thoughts but the change of those who get to have a ‘bit’ in the cake in today lingo. Thus giving birth and inculcating the thought that the struggle is about who gets what and through who. These are ideas that have been passed on even with the current youth who intend not to wait in getting a piece in the cake, as some would say no wonder the noise they are making. It is within this background that some section within the youth holds a view that that the youth can pursue the working class struggle simply because they are feeling the pressure of consequences of capitalism. We the youth must uphold the correct teachings that we can never be a class on our own but we reflect the class formations of society.  We must continue to fight that our ANC differs from most liberation movements who holds no interest in changing economic relations except the intention of deracialising the economy.

At the core of the challenge is the hidden reality that the democratic breakthrough did not only give space for natives to stand in the line and cast their vote but equally ushered for those in power the ability to increase their patronage package. This democratic breakthrough with its state machinery on the side was an extension of those who were in power to lure those who stood oppose to them to forget matters of principles and begin to think with their stomach. After all, he who pays the pipe plays the tune thus presupposing that he/she, who could be lured, got co-opted in the palace politics of the day and those who were excluded were aggrieved. So this state machinery has now begun to be viewed as a source through which those in power live through. Just like the farmer will milk the cow, so is our state to them. The above patterns could be identified within some section of our ANC leadership, thus the state has became a significant part for some in the ANC not as means of changing our people lives but as means to tame and curve people views so as to ensure that they lead unopposed and get the bigger slice of the cake.

The ANC is now not the vehicle to change people lives but the vehicle which must be used for self enrichment for those who are in power in some section of the ANC leadership. This has been the course for sometime. Never make a mistake not to ponder on the thought that the former leaders of the state and the ANC have not done this but equally not suggesting they have done it. This was further confirmed to be the case post Polokwane where a “homogenous” united front broke immediately when some of those who were at the driving set of the Polokwane train realized that things were not going as they would have thought. Their grievance exposed them to us that, they were in it for capital thus positions were vital for them. Amongst the key complains were matters not so distant from the state machinery and control of South African resources. The first issue was that many thought they will be ministers, when this was not the case they had to say, “after we have fought so hard for this men he places third terms before us, look at us, we are deputizing them”. The second being those that wanted their friends or husbands or wives to be this or that, when that did not happen it was an indication of war and “irretrievable communication breakdown” as the former President will say. These untold realities affirm one thing that, the change of leadership in our days now has less to do, with ideological differences at face value although it has class connotation through action but its more about who can best distribute the pieces of cake for us.

The ANC now has been arrested by some who want to change its revolutionary morality and its path. They cannot wait to be at the driving seating of this glorious movement so as to turn it, and run it in accordance with their desires. Our people have been made to believe that, their issues will be attended to at the ascendance of this group into power in the ANC whilst in reality the advances made will be taken two steps back. They want our people to think that they are true representatives of their interest whilst this is not the case. Their desperation has made them to break loose to organization discipline to begin to mobilize even those they once despised.  Our people are mobilized now and again as demonstration of the “popularity” they have. The working class has become a playing ground for thieves and liars.

There is growing need for the ANC to assert its authority and reign in all its members, guided by the entire collective leadership of the ANC. There is a need for the ANC to start conducting political classes not to pay lip service to regard. This is more required because the ANC is now governing meaning that its membership increase must never be understood as an indication of holy devotion for it. Its growth of membership must be welcomed but must indicate that its growth is coupled with desires from many of us in it ranks. Being the member of the ANC has began to be a symbol of better life and good connections to address the immediate challenges of ones life, primary job of any kind including tendering, secondary going through its structure to access more money and final live the life of fame in the ANC with or without any visible contribution to the life of the ANC. What is at the core of ANC challenges today is the desire by its members and leaders to use the ANC to accumulate. The ANC has now been turned into means to an end, for those whose intentions is accumulate more and more and “defeat capitalism from within as they say” with no or less understanding with what the ANC is fighting for.

 Like most liberation movements the ANC has had at all times maintained within it, two contending classes who had at times intend to drive the liberation movement to a certain direction. These two contending class are reflected through its membership and leadership although the other minority (“capitalist”) class possess great deal of influence assisted by it upper arm in the entire society, the liberation movement has never lucidly deviated from serving the majority class(working class) through it policy and programs. It’s therefore the responsibility of the working class in its entirety to make sure that the liberation movement and the movement as whole maintains its revolutionary morality and mission. The workers of this country must continue to make sure that the ANC in all level continues to intensify is fight against corruption, nepotism, fraud and many other ill of society mostly carried at the expense of the working class interest.  The road towards centenary Conference of the ANC must never be characterized by those who play with the working class desire and intend to portray themselves as genial towards the working class struggles.

Moving towards the centenary conference of the ANC, the glorious movement must once again assert it authority to ranks and files. The ANC must re-educate us of the call made by the forebears of this movement. This is important because within the ranks and file of the ANC there are those who want to reverse that call, mobilizing our people along tribal lines and chauvinistic thoughts. It is important that the ANC must lucidly carry out a message that was once carried out by Pixley ka Isaka Seme, when he said

“Again, it is conclusively urgent that this Congress should meet this year, because a matter which is so vitally important to our progress and welfare should not be unnecessarily postponed by reason of personal differences and selfishness of our leaders. The demon of racialism, the aberrations of the Xosa-Fingo feud, the animosity that exists between the Zulus and the Tongaas, between the Basutos and every other Native must be buried and forgotten; it has shed among us sufficient blood! We are one people. These divisions, these jealousies, are the cause of all our woes and of all our backwardness and ignorance to-day”( Pixley ka Isaka Seme, in Imvo Zabantsundu, October 24, 1911).

It was within this background that the ANC was formed and it has developed itself in different phases of different epoch but in its development it has not moved an inch from this foundation of uniting the society particularly indigenous Africans. It is this ANC that has now developed itself to be the discipline force of the left, thus taking biasness towards the struggle of the working class. It is this development that has clear rooted out the option of dividing our people according to nationalities. It is this view that must be affirmed in the centenary conference of the ANC and anything that stands opposed to that must be rejected with all the contempt it deserves otherwise the section in the ANC that wants us to go back instead of moving forward will seize space and take the glorious movement to the grave.

In conclusion, it is very import that it is reiterated that the ANC it in centenary Conference must affirm its authority and root out any tendencies of misbehaver. It is vital that ANC must return to basic that of prioritizing political education as means of educating its membership which is ever growing with different motives inside it. But most importantly the ANC must maintain political education as means of educating its members for purpose of protecting itself from wrong tendencies which are brought inside the ANC by its own members, after all the party that cannot protect itself is not worth living so say Lenin. In this historic conference the ANC must without doubt ensure that its places organizational work as area of focus more than that of government so to ensure that enough consciousness is developed from its ranks which will be translated to government work not the other way round. Let the centenary conference of the ANC say in unison, let us build a strong discipline force of the left, and let us build a strong ANC looking forward to another centenary.

By Mlondi Mkhize, KZN YCL Organizing Secretary.

Acceptance Speech of the Inauguration UKZN SRC

Programme Director
Honorable Deputy Minister of Home Affairs
Former President of the ANC Youth League
Cde Malusi Gigaba
Honorable Members of the 4th Democratic Parliarment of the RSA
Honorable Mduduzi Manana
Member of the NEC of the ANC Youth League
Youngest Member of Parliarment
Vice Chancellor Proffessor Malegapuru Magoba
Members of the Executive of the University of Kwa-Zulu Natal
President of Convocation
Managers of different student services departments
The Business community
Outgoing SRC Members Led by President Bavelile Hlongwa
Fellow Students
All Protocol observed

This inauguration takes place in the fifth year of celebrating and commemorating the merger of the former University of Durban Westville and University of Natal into what is now called the Univeristy of Kwa-Zulu Natal, a leading African university. I must confidently remind honorable guests that the University of Kwa-Zulu Natal remains a shining example in the manner in which it dealt and continues to deal with the difficulties brought about a merger of two historically different institutions. This inauguration also takes place at a time when His Excellency President Jacob Zuma has just recently announced the appointment of Justice Sandile Ngcobo, a former student and lecturer of this institution as the new Chief Justice of the Republic. This to us is further proof that this gallant university has produced and continues produce citizens of a very high caliber who play a very prominent and central role in the rebuilding of this great country. It must equally be noted that the former Chief Justice, Pius Langa, is also a former student. There have been consistent calls nationally for the review of some of the merged institutions in the country as they’ve not been able to bring about opportunities for which they were designed. Whilst we support the review as we believe it will be able address the problem areas, we however remain convinced that this university has been able to live up to standard and therefore it should remain intact. In so-much as there have been progress in the institution, there still remains question marks in relation to the speed with-which transformation is being effected. A very worrisome trend to us as the student population…!

Honorable Deputy minister we have just emerged out of a very fiercely contested election, where plus minus 10 000 students went out to the voting station and casted their votes, two thirds of the students of the University of Kwa-Zulu Natal casted their vote in favor of the African National Congress Youth League. By this they were reaffirming their hope of a Better life for all.

In its manifesto the ANC Youth League has prioritiesed the following:
Better Accomodation
More Financial Aid packages
The fight against Academic and Financial exclusions.
Programmes dealing with the attainment of Academic excellency
Transformation of Policies to improve the lives of all students.
Social coercion and
A vibrant student life on all our campuses.

Fellow students the time for super star and celebrity SRC members has come to an end. Elected representatives are elected to serve and that’s it, we are nothing but the servants of students. SRC members must be able to take shuttle busses alongside our students, so as they can be to able feel what the students feel, so as when the students come and complain about the busses, they as SRC members will take up the matter with the urgency that it deserves.

SRC vehicle can no longer be seen parked outside of night clubs and sheebeens. Any SRC member cought doing this shall be brought to book. It cannot be that we have womanizers in our SRC, and it cannot also be that we have man eater disguised as SRC members, it just must simply come to an end.

Quoting the words of the National Secretary of the Young Communist League when he addressed the students of Howard College in the Siyanqoba Rally of the PYA, Buti said “If you did not have a girlfriend or a boyfriend before being an SRC member, you must just stay without one, because election to the SRC does not automatically translate to you being entitled to a boyfriend or a girlfriend”.

Fellow students I want to disclose to you here today that the office of the first lady of the University of Kwa-Zulu Natal has been taken it is no longer available. So by this I mean if I approach any woman or male asking for a relationship, I will be misleading you to the highest order and you should there and there remind me of my words in this inauguration.

As the incoming SRC we commit to fast transformation, and a speedy service delivery of the basic needs of our students. Honorable Manana this we plan to do by introducing an administration wing of the SRC in accordance to the SRC constitution which states in clause.

7.2.12 that the responsibilities of the central SRC should include “The formation of such standing committees and sub-committees as it considers necessary to fulfill its functions, and the approval of the constitutions of such bodies”.

Fellow students This will ensure the inclusion of more students in SRC activities, and will also introduce and expose more students in governance matters, which will in the long run assist the Republic to get a more efficient and reliable public service. It will also strengthen the SRC in its implementation of its program of action, whilst at the same time assisting SRC members in jostling between the twin task that they have, that of representing the students and that of being a student striving towards academic excellence.


To the management we will be making demands to better the lives of our students. We will demand a total removal of our students from the Point Road Area in town. We will also demand that we expect nothing but 100% commitment from our lecturerers and we demand only the best of the best lecturers, we also demand an effective tutoring programme, that will provide sufficient academic support to our students to realize our goal of academic excellency.

As the SRC we will be representing all students, but the other reality is that we must be able to protect the most vulnerable students. These students will be those who come from previously disadvantaged backgrounds.

In light of the previous fee increment we demand that the matter for this year be looked and handled with care, facing the realities of the global economic crises.

In dealing with the issue of academic exclusions, we call for the reviewal of the academic exclusions policy, popularly known as the robot system. We also demand that there be no financial exclusions, because it does not make sense to me as a student as to why I should be punished for the fact that there is no money to finance my studies, as if I had anything to do with it, I just simply had no choice over the matter. It should be a willing student and will university situation, the student must be willing to study, and there just must be funding made available.

I would like to take this opportunity to acknowledge our former SRC’s who came before us and who have served our students with honour and dignity, and say to them thank you very much. I would like to send a special thank you to the current outgoing SRC under the leadership of Cde Bavelile Hlongwa and Mabandla Dlangamandla, and say to them thank you Cde’s, you have layed the ground for us and left a stable administration.

I would like to thank the students and the members of the SRC for electing me as President of the SRC of the University of Kwa-Zulu Natal, with the same tone I am also deeply honoured to congratulate all 60 members for being elected into the SRC of the University.

The students of the University of Kwa-Zulu Natal know that I am not new to student leadership, I have been deployed by my organizations to different structure of student governance, as member of the Humanities Faculty Committee for two terms, first as the Secretary under the leadership of Mlondolozi Mkhize the outgoing SG of the Howard College SRC, then as a Chairperson. I was elected into the Local SRC of Howard College for the term 2007/2008 as the Sports, Arts and Culture officer. Today I stand here before you as the President of the Central SRC.

I would like to thank my friends and family for the support they have given me. Most importantly I would like to thank my organization the African National Congress Youth League and its Alliance partners SASCO and YCL for trusting me with the responsibility of leading the programme of the organization in the SRC.

Once more, I would like to thank all students for electing me as President of the SRC and look forward to working with you and assure you that I will not disappoint you.

Thank you very much

By Thanduxolo Sabelo

Where to Begin : BURNING QUESTIONS OF OUR MOVEMENT

Mlondolozi Mkhize and Lazola Ndamase

PART 1:

(i) Where to begin?

In the build up to our postponed provincial congress, a number of negative occurrences took place, such that there was an urgent need to prepare an all inclusive document that had to deal with these issues as soon as possible. This document is an attempt at finding the theoretical basis of these issues without clumsily teasing them out in a manner that will not foster debate but resentment.

This is a discussion document; it is not – certainly not yet – a hard and fast party line. It is meant to foster, develop and guide constructive political debate within the organization.

It must be made clear from the onset that in this paper none shall be spared scrutiny. But, we know very well that in the course of fostering robust debate, it is inevitable that we will provoke a degree of irritation, with some of our cadres, especially those whose structures are at the receiving end of criticism.

We expect all cadres in the province and in the organization who must study this paper and respond to it, to avoid the temptation to be buried in mutual irritation, but rather debate the contents and the scientific validity of the paper, without subjectivism, and the usual populist posturing that accompanies ideological debates. If necessary, let us leave our -isms out of the debate.

We all prefer praise; thus, an immediate apology is made to those whose structures are criticized. The deployment of criticism here is not meant to discourage those criticized from freely participating in the discussion, but this is an attempt to make a study of the problems facing our organization, and its root causes. Neither is this an attempt to neutralize comrades in the build-up to conference. We will also not attempt to turn the screws against our critics either.

We accept that central to the renewal of any revolutionary organization is, precisely, the task of resuscitating the culture of political study, discussion, debate, comradely criticism and, of course, self-criticism.[1] So this will not be an attempt to absolve the PEC of any-wrong-doing by putting the blame squarely in the hands of others or anyone else for that matter except us.

With this paper, we will not deal with issues in isolation. This is no single-issue paper. This is a multi-purpose document that seeks to highlight all the cracks within the movement without making any substantial suggestions, therefore opening space for comrades to map out a way towards congress.


(ii) Where are we and where are we going?

As a revolutionary student movement, SASCO has demonstrated the capacity to remain relevant despite sweeping changes in the economic and political domain in South Africa, Africa and the rest of the world. Despite changes brought by the post-1994 breakthrough of progressive elements into the state, our organization has remained relevant and strong, albeit to a certain degree.

Complacency and rigidity can overtake even the wisest of student movements. In 2008, not only is our movement relevant, but popular to a certain grade. It has demonstrated its influence and popularity, in universities, through successive election victories – far surpassing any student organization in existence – and has shown that it enjoys the support and confidence of the overwhelming majority of students in Kwa-Zulu Natal.

Yet, within the Province, organizations of the same age as SASCO such as PASMA and AZASCO have collapsed or are struggling to stay alive (SADESMO is a perfect example). These remarkable achievements by our movement have not been a result of sheer luck, but have been part of a protracted process of struggle, self-interrogation and tactical awareness guided political vision which is located in our SPOT document.

Yet, despite these progressive developments, the popularity of our organization is slowly declining, not rapidly but slowly and steadily. Chances are, if the current course is not altered, the current popularity decline will soon skyrocket to unprecedented levels.

It within this environment that we will go on to ask, what are other factors than the ones detailed above that have contributed to our relevance. This will be done so as to learn from our past on how we can patch the fissures that are starting to show within the movement. This will also need us to delve deep into specifics where necessary, in analyzing what are possible dangers presented by the period, so as to find a better way of responding to them in a more organized and coherent way.

While decisive progress has certainly been made, the questions remain: have there been missed opportunities; have the constraints been fully understood and confronted; does the movement have the cadreship to carry out its objectives on all fronts?! In part, this paper will attempt to respond to these, while leaving issues open ended in order to stimulate debate from branches.

Despite some progressive developments – as noted above – the direction taken by our organization the past few years has been rather regressive than progressive. Chief among these is the increasing apathy amongst students, which is a result of and a driver of complacency and ossification within the organization.

The popularity grip that the organization enjoyed in our universities a few years back is slowly decreasing, at times gradually (as indicated by Westville and DUT-DBN), and in some cases more rapidly (ManTech is one example). Of course, electoral success or failure cannot be a yardstick with which to measure the strengths and weaknesses of our branches however, it is a major indicator of how the mass population views us.

Making this worse is that post-1994 student movements, especially SASCO, have served as recruitment grounds for organs of the state or by universities themselves, making it difficult to have cadres whose entire dedication is to the movement but instead producing cadres who seek to posture themselves for possible employment. The dangers of co-optation and posturing are among the most prominent of our problems, and are continuously reproduced on a daily basis.

This is not to mean that comrades must not be employed in either organs of the state nor is this to say that they cannot be employed in universities. Anyway, people study to get jobs. The concern here is with a situation wherein our cadres position themselves for employment in these structures, at the expense of our organization, its members and the masses it leads.

The opportunistic statements by Mothupi Modipa (when he was SASCO President) that earned him a job at the expense of our organization are still fresh in our minds. These are elements, which are not desirable amongst leaders of the organization. This is not to suggest that comrade Mothupi is the only comrade or the last to find himself on the wrong side of principle, many in the province, the previous year have followed in his footsteps we mention his, since he was our President.

Connected to this, is that our organization is increasingly becoming an electoral machine that dies the whole year and only finds activity during SRC elections. This is so much that, even political debate and self-criticism occurs during SRC elections. SRC elections are the time where the organization witnesses’ sheer dedication from its members, especially in terms of criticizing each other and this is where comrades suddenly realize that some of them are opportunists or are not matured enough to be deployed.

The obsession with elections is a by-product of many other things. It is has been recently exacerbated by an unhelpful deployment policy. Not only is the deployment policy giving too much power to bureaucratic structures, but it dis-empowers lower structures by concentrating too much power in the hands of PEC’s, thereby opening space for unnecessary patronage, leadership cheerleading and praise-singing.

Some members of the PEC have not helped matters either. We are talking here of situations where PEC members are found in the middle of squabbles in branches or promising their friends deployment even though they have not made it into branch lists. This has resulted in comrades who do not find joy in the deployment process, by-passing branch structures and calling provincial leaders asking for intervention, and at times finding it.

This has threatened to create a situation where deployees do not earn their deployment through hard work in the branches where they find themselves, but through connections with higher structures, thereby creating serious resentment for our leaders, even in cases where they have not had any impact in the deployment process. We believe that the deployment policy is another paper that requires rigorous analysis especially the powers it proffers on PEC’s on branch matters.

Apart from the confusion and divisions sowed by the deployment policy. Some of the most corrupt elements in Universities are our own cadres themselves. Indeed, kickbacks have become fashionable. The only thing out of fashion is incorruptibility itself. This is so much that, even the most resolute of our cadres cannot resist the temptations of accumulation except for a few some term it as PEE (Personal Economic Empowerment).

Despite the challenges that we face on a day to day basis, we cannot simply throw mud at our comrades so as to destroy them nor can we leave it like that. We cannot afford to stand in the corner and sulk either.

We need to understand very well that the society within which our organization operates is a society steeped in a culture of individual wealth and self-centeredness, such that cadres would rather buy themselves nice clothes with kickbacks of money paid by poor families, so as to appeal to the expectations of the same society.

We do not operate in a dreamland, but on earth, however, we need to appreciate and challenge the values proffered and transmitted on our society by the capitalist mode of production, which places emphasis on individual wealth and exploitation. Thus, we cannot dismissively speak of subjective weaknesses from our cadres without looking at the broader ideological environment within which we operate.

This will give us a grasp of the kind of policies we need in order to win the battle against the backward values of capital, that have high regard for wealth regardless of how you acquire it.

In the same vein, the tendency is developing within SASCO, in which positions in SRC’s are seen as platforms for acquiring resources while side-lining comrades and acquiring power. Many of our cadres make more money through tender generated kickbacks than they would make employed. Divisions based on this perspective of self-enrichment are often bitter and long-lasting, thereby producing and reproducing conflicts.

We have seen the extent to which the Branch of Westville fought to keep one of its BEC members, only to realize that this was all for future deployment. This is a major lacuna and we will return to it in the next chapter.

Our organization has not only had to contend with the dominance of bourgeois culture but has had to contend with certain fractions of capital. The PEC named these fractions of capital, the “2007 Capitalist Class project”, as a result of the united action they waged against the elected leaderships of our organization from branch to PEC level, with the assistance of some cadres within our own organization.

The organization has suffered coup d’état attempts by a small section of the black capitalist class, composed largely, but not exclusively, of formerly or present members of SASCO, who run entertainment and consultant agencies, most of whom are former leaders of the province and branches. This has included attempts to delegitimize elected structures of the organization and attempting to replace them with stooges.

Despite, the brutality of these tactics employed by capitalists, our structures have soldiered on. The main motive of capital is accumulation. Weakening structures of the movement is the main instrument with which capital can accumulate. The symbiotic relationship that most of our cadres have with capital is troubling. It is even worse when some elements of capital contest for positions in our structures and are supported by all.. Conclusively the political terrain within which the student movement is operating within is far more difficult than it has ever been. Indeed, the student movement nowadays is more likely to produce opportunists than revolutionaries. Certainly, if this congeals, the democratic revolution will remain but a distant theory that cannot be achieved.

PART 2:

(iii) Unity or diversity?

Our organization remains tolerant to different and at times conflicting ideological currents, and as yet, there have not been any major ideological conflicts that have played themselves within the movement. This strengthens the thinking that the organization can achieve absolute unity while at the same time maintaining diversity of ideological analysis. It is therefore unhelpful to contrapose unity and diversity as if they are not dialectically interlinked; however, many cadres of the movement make this mistake.

But as a mature and revolutionary student movement we have never conflated unity with uniformity. We do allow diversity of views and political creativity. To us, unity and diversity are not diametrical opposites but are dialectical ones.[2]

However, whilst keeping space for creativity and differences of substance any political movement relies on the collective action of its adherents. Our revolutionary objectives – immediate, intermediate and long-term – must be known and understood by all protagonists so as to ensure their attainment. It is difficult, if not impossible, for any organization to move forward if this is not the case.

The more elastic the breadth of the collective, greater are the prospect of tensions and conflicts among its adherents. These conflicts and tensions need to be kept in check timeously to avoid them gaining permanence. The contestation for female cadres – and male cadres too – has proven to be one of the most divisive issues within the student movement. Especially, with leaders using their positions to get sexual favors in return.

The contestation of ideas in BEC or PEC meetings is at times another manufacturer of differences. Debates are by their nature are polemical and thus robust. At times robust debates occur within limited space and time in meetings, such that each must make his/her point in a limited way whilst at the same time ensure that his/her views are not easily contested. This often entails caricaturing other cadres’ views, which might not settle well with the recipients, thus resulting in differences.

Unfortunately, differences often shift from their current status to that of divisions. The highest levels of unity are achieved in branches where SRC power has not yet been attained, but it is not the case immediately after elections are won. While in those branches where our organization is most popular, divisions emerge during deployment processes, SRC projects or during and after tender processes. The previous year has experienced many of these.

Our organization is expected, immediately after attaining power to transform the character of SRC’s before these structures change the value system of the organization itself, but this is not usually the case.

The previous year, during SRC elections, we witnessed, especially at UKZN Howard College, a high level of disunity and political opportunism far surpassing any debates in the organization. This tended to take the form of delegitimizing fellow comrades through pamphlets whilst at Westville it took the form of the BEC appointing itself as the chief opponents of the PEC, especially the Chairperson. But this document will speak to the issues of SRC’s and how the province has ended up being dragged into the mud of Squabbles of UKZN.

We have witnessed people who do not win a seat in a SASCO BEC structure transferred to the ANCYL or YCL in the hope of winning one there, and vice-versa, so as to ensure that they are deployed through that structure. We have also seen former-PEC members who feel they do not have enough influence in their branches attempting to get elected as BEC members in other structures so as to have a hold on branch deployment. Equally we have witness a situation where people do get deployed to SRC from there they then become available for high structures of the organization with the intention of dealing with those that that object to their deployment.

The absurdity of this is that, even those members of SASCO who at some point were highly antagonistic to our alliance partners and saw themselves as exclusively SASCO, when they no longer have influence in our branches they cross over to the ANCYL or YCL and become increasingly anti-SASCO.

All these are manifestations of political careerism, which places personal ambitions and agendas of individuals above the interests of the movement, while relegating the organization to the status of an instrument whose use is simply for deployment and redeployment.

The previous year, our organization has experienced high levels of ill-discipline, which at times have tended to undermine the authority of elected structures of our organizations. However, our structures have refused the temptation of being drawn into witch-hunts.

This was not a result of the fact that the Provincial leadership was afraid of taking responsibility and disciplining certain elements. However, the PEC knew very well that, this could foster more divisions leaving the organization ill-prepared for the battles that lay ahead at the beginning of the year during registration.

We believe, that some of the negative elements that have emerged in the course of revolution are a product of political problems and believe that technocratic processes such as disciplinary action and commissions of enquiries only deal with effects rather than eradicate the causes of the issues at hand, thus recycling problems instead.

We are attempting to build a more coherent approach, thus seeks to place emphasis on dealing with causes than effects. This amongst other things includes rehabilitation of cadres through cadre development and political cleansing by teasing out the root causes of misbehavior.


(iv) What are the challenges facing us?

In the post-1994 phase of our revolution faced, a number of previous objective conditions prevail, but there are new ones which qualitatively – and at times negatively – impact on our functioning of our movement and its cadres.

The struggles we waged pre-1994 were for collective participation in all parts of the superstructure (governance structures). It must come as no surprise that the current University decision making structures are composed of diverse communities such as workers, managers, students etc. Real participatory processes.

This has also ensured that through SRC’s, our organization is represented in all these structures. The representation of our organization is not merely to rubberstamp its presence, but is to safeguard, drive and monitor the transformation of Tertiary institutions. Occupation of decision making structures in universities has its own negatives, despite the progressive elements.

Apart from participating at Senate, SENEX, Council and IF – influencing academic progress – our cadres participate in tender committees too. It is at these tender committees that our comrades get corrupted, by capitalists seeking to earn themselves a tender by hook or crook. Surely, the corruptibility of our cadres cannot be just a result of subjective weaknesses on their part; it has to be part of a broader problem.

Most of our cadres sprout from very poor backgrounds and suddenly find themselves in leadership positions where students know student leaders as rich people and therefore expect the same from all student leaders. Many of our cadres cannot shrug off the expectations of students, but rather fall to the trap of wanting to be seen financially prospering, and thus lending themselves to corruption.

This usually occurs to the exclusion of many other comrades, who in turn out of anger, attack their comrades, both in public and within structures. Those who usually attack and accuse each other of corruption are usually not doing so in order to eradicate corruption but are rather angered by the fact that they have not benefited.

The awarding of tenders often occurs without the organization having had a thorough discussion about its implications, thus creating a situation where one or two cadres can posit themselves as the influential people in the eyes of the tenderists, so as to secure a bribe.

Another challenge in the organization is funding this is an important aspect because it determines the programmes of the organization and how far can the organization do with an intention to reach out to the society. SASCO has always been dependent on donors to carryout its programmes. It must be said that it very difficult to maintain this kind of relation. Its therefore important that the organization develop a vivid approach in terms of how is it going to fundraise for programmes of the organization from branches moving up to the National Executive Committee (NEC). Hence, this document thinks that it is necessity for the organization to debate and take formal resolutions about each and every tender awarding that representative of the organization are expected to participate in. Apart from deciding on who deserves a tender, the organization must ensure that it uses these tender platforms as instruments of fundraising as well, so as to ensure that no individual member benefits but our organization does.

This is particularly needed as we have seen that resource-based divisions are usually the main source of political and organizational decay leading to disunity and at times loss of popularity for our organization as highlighted earlier. Our organization, in branches, was at its best in 2005 and this explains the spate of SRC elections won all over the province that same year except UNIZULU.

The lack of funding for political education has also played its part on these shortcomings the organization faces. Now, more than before, the need arises for the organization to ceaselessly mobilize resources for political education and development of its cadres. The organization cannot be capable of mobilize because when it is cadre which are not political equipped.

The origin of all threat that faces the organization today are sub-threat, which are instigated by organizational decay. Organization crumble is caused by the deficiency of or rather low level of political education, which ensures that members of SASCO do not understand the SASCO let alone Congress traditions, which are entrenched in the theory and practice of organization discipline. The lack of political discussion and arguments is a major threat to the organization for this has ensured a process where there is demise of comprehension of what SASCO is. The 2005 Discussion document of SASCO argues, “Politics are the life blood of the organization without which the organization will die a fatal death with no hope for resurrection”.3 The removal of politics from this organization will make SASCO to be similar to normally social club and society where students will be united in action to enjoy themselves.

SASCO as student movement contest SRC election with the intention of achieving transformation that cannot be achieved outside of SRC. There are critical platforms which are only open to SRC’s which are the core of transformation. For SASCO to get access to these platforms it only make sense that SASCO that SASCO must content SRC election to achieve transformation in higher education. When SASCO resolved that its intention was to transform this critical sector in society, it had good intention which unfortunately is accompanied by negative effects.

We deem it to say that the organization must being to acknowledge that some of the reasons that it facing today is direct or indirect influenced by student governance. The division that have manifested themselves in branches are merely because of SRC’s and SASCO has been used in this process. The BEC of SASCO have been used to run SRC and nothing else. The question will then be without the SRC will SASCO still exist? The answer seems obvious, yes. However, there is a growing concerned, which generates many questions that might need answers.


REFERENCES

SACP 2005, “Is the ANC leading a national democratic revolution or managing capitalism?”
ANC NGC Discussion document, 2005 – Unity and diversity.
ANC NGC Discussion document, 2000 -
[1] “Is the ANC leading a National Democratic Revolution or managing capitalism?” (SACP – 2006)
[2] “Unity and Diversity” ANC - 2005

THE ROLE OF YOUNG COMMUNIST LEAGUE OF SOUTH AFRICA IN OUR SOCIETY.

MLONDOLOZI MKHIZE

The role of the YCL
The Young Communist League (YCL) is a youth wing of the South Africa Communist Party (SACP) a very important part of its continual existence. It is essential that the role of the YCL in the SACP is not undermined but rather enhanced as they are the future of the Party. One would have loved to see the YCL to do what is perceived as groundwork, which is to conscioustising mass. One ought to remember that the Marxism-Leninism is literature that was not meant to be treated as dogma but as guide to action. The YCL need to clear determine few issues such as:
I. The role of the Youth that is class conscious of society and cadres development.
II. The role of revolutionary cadres as part of political education?
III. Why there is need to have class conscious masses?
IV. Workers that well aware of class issues.
V. Socialist state ought to give us.

The role of the youth.
The young activists of today need to know their role within then society in this point time, in particular those that aspire to be communist. This includes those that have dedicated their lives in ensuring that in South Africa we get to our intended destination socialism. One of the responsibilities of the YCL is ensure that it has capable leaders within it ranks as part of grooming them for the tasks of the mother body the SACP. Hence the future of the SACP lies in the hands of YCL and members of Party at large. This is why the SACP ought to ensure that it educate it youth wing and give the education so as to ensure that we have an ideological armed and equipped YCL members.

The SACP needs cadres of the YCL that are ideological armed and equipped would not want to memorize few or all key concept Marxism-Leninism of showing off hence scaring new members. The literature of Hegel, Marx, Engel and others has value to us if we use it correct that incorporate analyzing society and use it as guide to action. The strength of the SACP does not rely on few individual within the Party or in League. The strength of Party is mass based, particulars it lies in youth of South Africa who are the further member of the Party, the country and the revolution. The League need to be class conscious and to vivid about these issues more than any one. To have a Cadre that understand these issues is not enough for this current phase of our society in S.A but we need a cadre that can put theory into practice.

One must note that and emphasis that preoccupation with the theoretical assimilation whilst failing to practice what we say might be dangerous. The ideas of Marxism-Leninism would not come to fruition if they are treated merely as literary work. But we need to utilize such as a guide to action. All this should be emphasized where SACP and YCL cadre are based in branches. One ought to mention this in passing that there is serious need to know that in as much as we should understand the different political strands, our main role is to internalize the idea of the mother body that is the SACP, and ensure that we are ready to take over the baton for the struggle of the attainment of that vision, socialism. Part of these issues which we should focus on includes. Free Market, Land Reforms, Services and Policy particularly economic policies, due to the fact that economic policies have affected the youth hugely in our land.

Above all one should ignore their organizational work part of it is to ensure that they have society that is class conscious. All this requires that we have the best ideological armed and equipped youth to carry out all these tasks. One of young intellectuals Zola Saphetha defines the youth through the words of one of outstanding revolutionary.

“One of the great South African Intellectual the late President of the African National Congress Oliver Thambo once said a country that does not value its youth deserves no future. Young people are leaders of tomorrow with a wealthy future in their hands. So while we continue to engage the role of intellectuals we need to bring the youth in the mainstream of the political economy by mentoring and for purposes of succession plan as touch bearers of the future.” (1). This then gives the YCL more need to mobilize the youth who are undisputed that they are the future of the SACP who should shape the revolutionary agenda. Even the president of the youth of this country concurs that, society has no option but to attend to the call of youth for their own development, since there can be no future without a youth capable of meeting the needs of the country's development, writes Fikile Mbalula.(1.I)

The role of revolutionary Cadres.
The role of revolutionary intellectual can be well defined by the article written by Jeremy Cronin on Mzala. Cronin had the intention of giving us an idea how Mzala as revolutionary intellectuals behaved. The intention of this article by Cronin is for us to learn from the manner in which cadre ought to behave particularly the progressive young intelligentsia. One of the things that Cronin highlights about this stalwart of movement is the fact the “He was always partisan of his organisations. But he did not allow his loyalty to become a problem when evaluating his organization hence uncritical” (2). This translates to say that Mzala tried in every way possible to get the balance right between organisational loyalty and critical thinking which is not always easy. It might be valuable that, at this point to consider an example of Mzala in shaping the role of revolution of today.

Cronin goes further to say that revolutionary intellectuals are not dogmatic or elitist and highlight this which he says, “Many of us will have had the experience of comrades who quote from the "classics", or use jargon, not to illuminate a point, but to display their "superior" knowledge. We will all be familiar with the dogmatic invoking of an "authority", the unchallengeable word of this or that leader, or of "headquarters" - not to assist a discussion, but to silence debate” (3).The role of revolutionary intellectual is to apply what they have learned and further than that educate those who remain unfamiliar with such information particularly the that is only conscious but there is the young intelligentsia that can take the struggle of socialism forward. The young intelligentsia that is class conscious will strengthen the Party. This is to ensure that we maintain the strength of the working class in every possible way. The strength of the working class lies in hands of very strong ideological armed and equipped youth.

Since the YCL was reestablished one has seen how the class conscious youth, they have been hands on every issue that has occupied South African citizens. They have expressed their concerned on number of issue amongst them they have raised shapely the issue of the leadership of the ANC as part of the MDM structures, they have stood firm on their position regales of names they have been called. One ought to note that the above is not the only issue they have spoken on issues that relates economic policy. To illustrated this let me use the words of another young intellectual Nyiko when he says,

“It is indeed a commendable phenomenon that young intellectuals and revolutionaries if the YCL shape its strategic character and outlook in the present trajectory characterized by massive challenges for young people and a relative less influence from young activists. Nevertheless, the recent launch of the YCL’s defiance campaign and its concurrent rejection of the Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative of South Africa (ASGI-SA) require a much closer analysis and assessment.”(4)).

In indeed the Young Communist League have been spot on in various cases even those that relates to policy. This reflect the how the young communist intelligentsia can be vocal on issue is well educated. Can you imagine what will happen if the whole youth of S.A will be like the members of YCL and it leadership. Regardless of what Nyiko goes on to say about the YCL regarding the defiance campaign.

Few well armed and equipped ideological soldiers will not be enough for the work that must be done. We cannot allow a situation where we have few people entrusted with a mandate of transforming this country to the country that we desire. We have seen through other movements let be liberation movements or whatever that a revolution that entrust few people with transformation does not succeed a good example will be Zimbabwe. The work ahead needs masses that are well equipped for the task at hand. If one were to mention that the defunct apartheid system for it to seize to exist there was mass involvement. Those mass were fully aware what they wanted as end result of their involvement in the struggle that was liberation from the defunct apartheid system. The same will apply in this battle that we are faced with of combating capitalism. The fight against capitalism should include almost every member of our society.

One might wonder why everyone that is member of YCL and the SACP does not like capitalism is simply because it creates society that is not desirable. Revolutionary intellectuals need not to fold their hands as if nothing wrong is happening. One ought to be aware that the youth suffering from HIV/AIDS, high pregnancy rate, high rate of unemployment, high crime rate and so often. We remain aware that the cause all this is the capitalist system. To the poor sex has become the sport and means of entertaining themselves due lack of job opportunities. While those can manage, go and play Golf when they are not thing about means of innovating production for their accumulation capital some like Buti remain unmoved that the solution to these problems is nothing else beside socialism.

Those who laugh when the YCL speak of socialist South Africa as if it impossible need to be reminded that Botha never though of a democratic South Africa lead by the ANC. Those who share the same sentiments with Prof R Hielbroner when he said, “Less than 75 years after it officially began, the contest between capitalism and socialism is over; capitalism has won ... the great question now seems how rapid will be the transformation of socialism into capitalism, and not the other way around!”(5). All these people who share the same sentiment must told that as the then youth of the ANC said Freedom in our life time, the youth of the SACP says Socialism is the future in our life time. Hence we had the YCL clear pronouncing that they are not yet in Uhuru.

Class conscious masses
The role of mass that are conscious of the battle that they ought to fight is that they will always have an understanding what will be the direction that the revolution needs to take. Further more masses have to guide the leadership at all times through programs that must be implemented. Mass involvement ensures that the movement is always guided so that we avoid entrusting few hands with the transformation agenda. Slovo share the same sentiments when he says, “This then tell us that we need not to say that the whole transformation agenda must be the work of selected few cadres. This has lead in my view to Stalinism.”(6).The centralization of power and responsibilities given to few individuals has show the way to the movement changing it course. This is a result of praising cadres as if they are not human beings capable of making mistake.

Everyone needs to be alert in the process of transformation. Anyone that is part of the movement must be in the forefront of transformation. Engles once said, “Of course, our …comrades do not thereby in the least renounce their right to revolution. The right to revolution is after all the only really historical right, the only right on which all modern state without exception rest” (7).Even the vanguard of the working class in the context of S.A that is SACP needs to develop that awareness amongst workers through COSATU. To ensure that we exercise our “historical right” as Engles says. One ought to maintain this that Marxism-Leninism is not a dogma but a guide to action.

Workers as well ought to be class conscious
It would be extremely dangerous to assume that every worker knows his or her role in the revolution. Marx and Engles viewed the workers as significant class that have power to change society, could face and defeat the bourgeoisie and their capitalist agenda. In the Communist Manifesto Marx and Engles say, “of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a genuinely revolutionary class” further than that they further say that “All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense majority”. (8)

If all workers were class conscious and viewed society in the manner that they ought to view it all of them must be members of Party. The fact that some portion of workers are not members of the Party illustrate very clearly that some workers do not vividly understand the issues of class struggle. Workers that are aware of their social standing and the manner, in which they relate to means of production under capitalist, will advocate for change of the system. The bourgeoisie laws and orders also give the proletariat the right to form its own political party. Further more they have the right to install that party into power all this is done within the legal framework of the bourgeoisie democracy. One ought to highlight one of the disturbing stories that workers remain divided according unions as result we have different unions e.g. SADTU and NATU. This signal the task at hand of uniting workers first before one starts discussing the issues of state power. The vanguard of the working class must stop assumption that there are workers that are reactionary and start of create the awareness amongst workers to ensure unite. What to one the popular taken from the Communist Manifesto, “Working Men of All Countries, Unite!” (9)

All workers from all corners of this country must wake up and a wage a war against the capitalist system. As Marx and Engles say, “not only because the ruling class cannot be overthrown in any other way, but also because the ruling class overthrown it can only in a revolution succeed in ridding itself of all the muck of ages and become fitted to found society anew” (10).

Socialist state
Given what has happened in the past some remain confused how is possible that there some people who remain convinced that socialism will ever work. There is belief that says the theory of Marxism, in all its essential respects, remains valid and provides an essential theoretical guide to achieve a society free of all forms of exploitation of one person by another. The major weaknesses which have emerged in the practice of socialism are the results of distortions and misapplications. They do not flow naturally from the basic concepts of Marxism whose core is essentially humane and democratic and which project a social order with an economic potential vastly superior to that of capitalism. Even some noble men that have once walked in this land shared the same notion like this one. Joe Slovo being one of those in article titled Has Socialisms failed Slovo says “But we emphasize again that the fundamental distortions which emerged in the practice of existing socialism cannot be traced to the essential tenets of Marxist revolutionary science. If we are looking for culprits, we must look at ourselves and not at the founders of Marxism” (11).

Slovo goes further to say “In some cases, the deformations experienced by existing socialist states were the results of bureaucratic distortions which were rationalized at the ideological level by a mechanical and out-of-context invocation of Marxist dogma. In other cases they were the results of a genuinely-motivated but tragic misapplication of socialist theory in new realities which were not foreseen by the founders of Marxism”.(12) Many in the past and even now assert the reason why Russia had economical stagnation and poor technological performance as compared to the capitalist world sector was because of socialism. This cannot be attributed to the ineffectiveness of socialist relations of production but rather to their distortion. Socialist relations of production provide the most effective framework for maximizing humanity’s productive capacity and using its products in the interests of the whole society.

It is very important that we take note of the fact that the founders of Marxism ‘never invented specific forms and mechanisms for the development of the new society. They elaborated its socialist ideal ... they provided the historically transient character of capitalism and the historical need for transition to a new stage of social development. As for the structure of the future society to replace capitalism, they discussed it in the most general terms and mostly from the point of view of fundamental principles’ (13). In light of this it worth noting that socialism ought to be taken as transition period to communism. As a result of this we ought to understand socialism in this light:

Socialism incorporates serious engagement with love for social up-liftment of the poor .Beyond doubt a socialist state is one in which all people are workers and in which neither capitalism nor feudalism exists. In a socialist state there is no exploitation of man by man. Hence everyone that is physically able to work does so every worker obtains a just return for the labour he/she performs and the income derived from different types of work are not grossly divergent. In a socialist country, the only people who live on the work of others, and who have the right to be dependent upon their fellows, are small children, people who are too old to support themselves, those that physical and mental challenged. This will include those whom the state at any one time cannot provide with an opportunity to work for their living.

To Build and maintain socialism it is essential that all the means of production and exchange in the nation are controlled and owned by the workers. Further, it is essential that the ruling Party should be a Party of peasants and workers in the South Africa context it will be SACP. It is worth noting that true socialism cannot exist without democracy also existing in the society.

Socialism is a way of life, and a socialist country cannot simply come into existence. A socialist society can only be built by those who believe in it and who themselves practice and breathe the principles of socialism. A committed member of SACP and YCL will be a socialist. The primary obligation of YCL and SACP member, and especially the leadership, is to accept these socialist principles, and to live his own life in accordance with them. I have always told myself that every leader of YCL and of the SACP will not live off the sweat of another man, nor commit any feudalistic or capitalistic actions. But discussion document of the SACP seeks to suggest that within the Party we have communist during the day and serious capital at night.

In conclusion I will use words of Che Guevara “Let me say, with the risk of appearing ridiculous, that the true revolutionary is guided by strong feelings of love. It is impossible to think of an authentic revolutionary without this quality .One must have a large dose of humanity, a large dose of a sense of justice and truth, avoid falling into extremes, into cold intellectualism, into isolation from the masses. Every day we must struggle so that this love of living humanity is transformed into concrete, into acts that will serve as an example” (14). With the hope that love drives everything and humanity therefore becomes the priority of every human. The poverty that we see around us, violence that we see around, teenage pregnancy, irregularities in our society the answer to all such is staring at us Socialism.


Reference
1. Saphetha Z, 2005. Young Intellectual Demanding their Space
2. (I) Mbalula, F.Umbrabulo26, 2006. http://www.anc.org.za/ancdoc/pubs/umrabulo26/art5.html
3. Cronin, J. Umrabulo 25, 2005.
4. Cronin, J. Umrabulo 25, 2005
5. http://floydn.blogspot.com/2006/04/ycls-defiance-campaign-under.html. 10 January 2007
6. The New Yorker, January 23, 1989
7. Slovo,J. Has Socialism failed 1989
8. Engles, Intro to Marx Class Struggle in France in On H.M, Progress Publishers ,Moscow 1972pp 264-269
9. F. Engles and K. Marx Communist Manifesto 1848 Progress Publishers, Moscow, USSR.
10. ibid. Communist Manifesto
11. Marx, K and Engles, F. The Germany Ideology , International Publishers, New York, 1970pp95
12. Slovo, J. Has Socialisms failed 1989
13. ibid. Has Socialism Failed 1989
14. Gorbachev, M. in Pravda November 26th, 1989
15. Guevara, E Che.

Africa for the Africans Let Stop This Now

After the recent incidences in South Africa that have affected the image of this country and the continent as whole, one must be able to express his thoughts in relation to these issues. If we were to make observation in relation to the recent xenophobic revolts, we will be able to detach issues of substance and activities that expose criminal activities within these revolts. This piece will want look at social-economic issues with intention of identifying what might be “causes” of these revolts. When you diagnose the current uprisings as pure xenophobic that analysis will be very wrong and pure impracticality and could lead us astray hence reaching wrong conclusion. This will then surely affect the mechanism that must be employed with the intention of remedying the situation.

This paper will like to venture to into the argument that was raised by one person who was interviewed on 3rd degree, a program that is on e-TV. He argues that foreigners take their jobs and equally they take residential place in squatter scamps. It is matter of fact that this individual is not the only one with this idea, for the Mr. Moses Tembe shares the similar sentiments even within the societies that we leave in the argument is well advocated. This paper will want to put practically example(s) to share more light in this discussion wit an attempt to find fact in the argument that this paper has raised. When someone is a refuge he is not protected by any labour relation laws or Acts. This has implication in the South African society in relation to his or her employment. South Africa is amongst the countries which are well known for having strong unions which fight for the protection of rights workers from exploitation and poor pay after engaging in strenuous work in dangerous workplaces.

This paper argues in essence that South African workers appear to be expensive on the bases that you have a legislation that protects them from unreasonable salaries as South African workers, this then minimizes the abuse of workers from the South African bourgeoisies. What this paper is exposing is that foreigners are apparent cheaper labour to business man and women who have security companies and who have supermarkets or bourgeoisies as class. They assume this status of cheaper labour because they are no longer subjected to the normally law of determining the wages or salaries of workers.
Marx argues that sellers fight among themselves for the sales, for the market. Each one of them wishes to sell, and to sell as much as possible, and if possible to sell alone, to the exclusion of all other sellers. Each one sells cheaper than the other. Thus there takes place a competition among the sellers which forces down the price of the commodities offered by them. Marx argues that these are the same tactic used to determine the wage or the salaries of workers. Wages will now rise, now fall, according to the relation of supply and demand, according as competition shapes itself between the buyers of labor-power, the capitalists, and the sellers of labor-power, the workers (Marx,1891:5-8). The argument that says foreigners appear to be cheaper labour is derive from the idea that says foreigners undergo another process which makes them even more cheaper given their status in South African land. So I think in moving forward we should acknowledge that the bourgeoisie have undermined the workers and poor by making them to fight amongst them about their labour power. Having noted the achievement by the bourgeoisie by sending us at war we should equally look at the role played by government.

The other element which has been exposed by the xenophobic attacks is the element tribal difference which has remains and is a challenge in the African countries, this is result of colonialism. This paper will want to argue that the intolerance in terms of our nationality is developed from the lack of tolerance amongst various tribes that exist with the African diaspora. Noting the fact that we have witness a situation where South African from other province particularly Limpompo have been victims of these incidences. To advance this discussion further the lack of tolerance between tribe is developed from a feeling of fear of infiltration, learning other people culture and their life style, this in essence is the fear of the unknown. These are the same elements that have ensured the surfacing of these incidences, hence our African brothers and sisters must depart from South Africa. It’s quite shocking to learn that some of the tribes that are in South Africa today are from north of this continent. This gives an indication that these our brother and sisters for our great grand father once shared land with them when this continent was divided according tribes not with this modern way of borders.

The South African government must equally feel ashamed noting their own contribution which gives them the same responsibility like the bourgeoisies. The South African government must equally note that some South African borders are not well guided this then gives our African brother and sisters to gain access in an illegal way. It is argued that South Africa is one of the African countries that have stability across board (socio-economic and political issues). South Africa should be in the forefront in illustrating this to other African countries. It is fact that most of the refugees that are in South Africa are from Zimbabwe and their relocation is motivated by their own political situation and starvation that is apparent in that part of Africa. South African should be able to advocate for change in that country in the interest of citizens of that country. It is known fact that in our days no country can afford to leave as island for each and everyone depends to the other same that goes for Zimbabwe. It should noted that the conditions that are in Zimbabwe are not good for anyone, it appears that there is justification of our brother from Zimbabwe to be with us given their own affairs.

In conclusion, on the 16 May 2008, Jacob Zuma delivered this message at the University of Zululand that “It is important that we understand that nation building is not only about people’s attitudes towards one another, though that is important. We must understand that nation building requires that we tackle the material differences between our people. We cannot have a united nation when a significant section of our society remains in poverty, or do not have access to quality education, or still live without basic services like water or housing”( Zuma, 2008) This message acknowledges that there is serious illiteracy and incompetent education South African education has contributed towards this situation whilst other site different reason but there is more to this beyond education, this paper we want to argue. But beyond this acknowledgment of then short coming of South African society, the President of the ANC is pausing a challenge to all who are within the borders of this country that it is important that we understand that we are from different backgrounds but when all is set and done we must be able to acknowledge, comprehend and create tolerance given our different upbringing informed by our different material condition.

These attacks are undermining the contribution made by our sister African
countries in our liberation struggle and are further an insult to our transition from apartheid to democracy. I believe that these xenophobic attacks have no acceptance and role in our society. I view these attacks as part of a contestation or competition over limited resources in the townships. This anger within the working class should be redirected to the owners of the means of production who have taken advantage of the economic vulnerability of our fellow brother and sisters from across our country's borders. The solution will be to eliminate the present situation of a minority owning the means of production and distribution of wealth whilst the majority owning nothing, have to work for the few. In other words money, buying and selling, commodities and the like must be done away with. Humanity must commonly own the means of production and must have free and equal access to the produce. Under such circumstances there will be no want and consequently no war and hatred. Socialism is the way forward and the only solution to the contradiction within our societies.

Reference

Marx, Karl. 1849. Wage Labour and Capital, the original. Neue Rheinische Zeitung, Nos. 264-267.

The Factual Inaccurate SMS or sorry SSM

This paper is a response to the every angry SMS or sorry I meant (SSM) the Socialist Student movement. The SSM in it newsletter of August 2007, makes numerous accusation with little evidence to prove such, to some accusation evidence is not forthcoming. This paper intends not to intermediate any one in exercising their of freedom of expression. I think it is pivotal that we edges other that from time to time allow there creative juices to flow, to consider at least getting their fact correct or have understanding of discussion as they unfold. This paper will focus on two articles as published in the newsletter of the SSM, one being “ANC YL- this is not Bombay” and second one being “OPEN LETTER OF PROTEST”. There is one thing that is common with these two article and others that were part of the August issues, one there factual inaccurate in relation to the information, lack of coming up with solution to the issues that are seen as problem, there is no dialectical thinking to people who claim to be socialist.

SSM argues from misinformed perspective that the President Fikile Mbalula not the Chairperson as they will want us to believe is racist further than that, they say this is the tool of social analyses and mobilization within the ANC YL. To quote from their newsletter although it is not worth it to be quoted it says, “The African National Congress Youth League (ANC YL) chairperson Fikile Mbalula’s statement that UKZN is beginning to look like Bombay is racist. It implies that our campuses are swarmed by students of Indian origin t the expense Black African students. Thinking in racial categories – apparently the major tool of social analysis and mobilizing within the ANC YL…). The SSM has further accused the CSRC of UKZN of scoring political gains by defending the President of ANC YL to, them(SMS or SSM) his is known as the Chairperson. They accuse the CSRC UKZN of further dividing this university on racial bases, by concurring with the President of ANC YL. It is important that we that we enter this debate from a correct perspective limited to my interpretation. The ANC YL argues that even after the new dispensation, tertiary institutions in South Africa are still confronted by challenges post the mergers of these institution that have a historical background, which is intended to addressed by mergers. The ANC YL even does mention the serious shortfalls that these recently formed institution must address, this include nonstop of academic and financial exclusions. The Youth League argues lucidly that the, composite to the numerical breakdown of exclusions and the unsuccessfulness students specially black students to complete their studies is the configuration of our racist past and this practical sober demonstration in various centers of social, economic and political development.

The argument as raised by the Youth League is that since the attainment of democracy in 1994, the tertiary institutions have inch-by-inch made steps in put into practice the vision enshrined in the historical document known by many in this land, which Freedom Charter of 1955. This could be attributed to many issues, one being the unsuccessfulness of the state to have clear-cut plan on how to address the issue of higher education. This might too many illustrate the lack of political direction of the current party, on how its intend to change the higher education land scale. Equally, this slow progress could be attributed to the reluctance of universities, to implement decision of government hiding behind Institution Autonomy. I think the accepted wisdom of the Youth League to be able to take issues of higher learning must be applauded.

The youth league in assertion that, “In as much as the architects of apartheid saw education as main instrument to hamper and curtail the development of the African in particular and the black person in general, we too in the democratic dispensation view education as the most critical in untangling the chains of marginalisation of the majority of our people.”(Vol 3 No 22:2). The indigenous African remained the most disadvantage in the education system that was in place at the time of the defunct apartheid system. The native received less financial attention from the government of that time, as result most things by the native was less compared to the services that other race received. Hence the 13 year old government said it significant that, its aims principally at speak to the legacy of the defunct apartheid system that was blatantly demonstrated by the colossal disproportionate of resources allocated. It is important that we do not loose sight of the fact government had its means of distributing capital across institutions informed by the racist agenda that sought to ultimately oppress and marginalize the African in particular and the Black person in general.

The ANC YL goes further to identify areas that remain a challenge as pinpointed out by the report of Prof H.P Africa conducted in 2005, this report speak about reasons behind the persistent high unsuccessfulness rates amongst African students points to none other than this same legacy of apartheid(Vol 3 No 22: 3) Despite the fact that Africans are enrolled as the largest racial group, they nonetheless constitute by far a disproportionately lower percentage of those who acquire degrees, predominantly in the serious fields like engineering wherein our own JIPSA programme highlighted as of prime concern with regards to our overall development(Vol 3 No 22:3-4). The ANC YL uses UKZN as university that it challenges have been raised by the report conducted by Prof H.P. Africa. This report does speak the lack of structures that are created to assist student what professor Africa calls “wellness” of students. The central point that Mbalula was putting across is that South African universities should start ensuring that it create conducive environment, for academically excellent, innovative in research, critically engaged with society and demographically representative, redressing the disadvantages, inequities and imbalances of the past. What the YL is referring to hear is a desirable situation in the society of South Africa.


After revisiting the argument by Mbalula it seriously difficult for me to pinpoint any argument that is racist or seeks to mobilize on racial bases as SSM claims that is the case. But it not surprising after all they have also accused one the LSRC members of uttering ‘racist statement’, probably SSM associate with this word ‘racist’ I am not suggesting that there are ‘racist’ merely saying this the word they understand the best. Further SSM speaks of the failure of the ANC government having failed to solve the ‘racial question’ to me it remains unclear of what the SSM is speaking about that it titles the ‘racial question’. The main word in all these discussion is ‘racist’. I hope that in responding to racist utterance as SSM claims, I was not racist myself.





By: Mlondolozi Mkhize

WORKING MEN OF ALL CONTRIES UNITE

WORKING MEN OF ALL CONTRIES UNITE
In his work, Marx continues to assert and proclaim that the proletarian is one class that is able to stand and confront the bourgeoisie class. Marx even asserts that the proletarian class is the self-conscious, self-determining movement of the immense majority, which exists and thrives in their class struggle for the interest of the immense majority. For Marx the emancipation of every working class lies in the hands of the workers of that country hence he pronounce that, the role of the proletariat is to first settle affair with its own bourgeoisie. The intention of all this is to prove that the bourgeoisie in any country are not fit to run countries hence the proletariat must be incharge as class that represents the majority and thrive for the benefit of the majority (Engles and Marx, 1848).

One ought to note when Marx and his friend wrote this document when things were different from the current challenges today. So it is neither scientific nor dialectical to apply this literature as it is, as if it was a holy book. The current challenges that face society today can never be moved from issues that are raised by Marx writings. As noted in the communist Manifesto Marx call upon workers to unite for they have noting to lose but their chains and top of that they the world to win (Engles and Marx, 1848). The current situation prevailing in our society tells that this is far from being reality. For various reasons amongst them are the following;

• Is the introduction of systematic management, which was coupled with regulation, and control of production. Such were devised to meet the needs of the capital. This systematic management is well known as Taylorism the other one is well known as Fordism. Taylorism was concerned about deskilling, control of the labour process, labour specialization and hierarchy in the workplace e.g. Workers on top a supervisor, manager, boss. This introduced non-productive labour in the workplace, which meant that their role was, oppressed the people of their own class to be paid. Hence, their productiveness of the non-productive was based on the production of the productive workers in the plant. As result workers were further divided for the wage of the other depended on how much did other workers on the plant produced. This meant he/she had to ensure maximum production for his/her wage at the end of the day. This meant that the bourgeoisie was relaxing while the working class was busy fighting amongst itself (Thompson and McHugh, 2002: 30-35) While Fordism was obsessed about the pace of production determined by the moving assembly line, specialized machinery, high wage and low-cost production. This meant that the pace of production of workers was going to be determined by the pace of the assembly line. Specialization of meant that workers were going to be divided according to labour specialization (Allen, 1992:231-235).

• Workers solidarity is one aspect that has crippled the power that is possessed by the working class. The reality today is that the working class has been fragmented by job specialization. The working class today fights the working class concerns in faction groups in society hence one will witness a teachers strike lead by SADTU, NATU(teachers), SATAWU, NUMSA(mine workers) etc. The continually marginalization of other unions such as NATU does not assists ,the working class but only benefits the bourgeoisie government lead by the ANC. When SADTU issues have been agreed upon the NATU is compelled to go, back to work is the creation of division within workers. One of the tasks that COSATU address is the creation of one union. The power of workers can only been seen through unite. This is the call for workers to unite for their have nothing to lose because their have already lost the respect that they deserve hence their labour to the bourgeoisies is taken as commodity which should be given value by the market.

• Bureaucratic system in place in institution contributes to the division of workers. This can be witness predominantly in factories, tertiary institution and so often. This has vividly illustrated the division within workers on the bases of job specialization and location within the work place. Some have been mislead to think that they do not have the same problem as workers. Let use the example of tertiary institution for demonstrating this point. One we see lecturer striking for many reasons by leading being fee increment as always. In this process of striking one, not see administrators, cleaners as well securities but all these people there are workers. This will also apply the other way around. Recently there was long strike of securities lecturer were working, administrators as well. This reflect the lack of unite in workers and solidarity. This amongst other things has shown the lack of political militancy. The other reality is that the structure of capitalist system, which ensures that some portion of the society, must remain unemployed. This is done with the intention of keeping the worker with minimum complains about the serious exploitation in the workplace. The other reality is the high unemployment, which as result has coursed people to loose interest in the unions hence subjecting him/her to exploitation. This unemployment has created a situation where a large number of people will have many people relaying on them for survival. This has created a situation where conditions in the workplace are secondary to work but the salary as primary objective regardless of the amount for the survival of the family.

• Leadership has contributed to the situation at hand. The current leadership in unions most of them their unionist for seasons once they get to government structures they change. Their role changes as well when there are in government their tummy becomes the priority couple with neglect changing policies that expose workers to dangerous working condition and unfair wages. For them to get to government some have sold out workers for their own benefit. The benefits that some members of the SACP and COSATU are expose to makes workers to say regardless of the exploitation I want my offspring to drive and live the same lifestyle that those people are living. Hence, whatever concerns which might be raise by such leaders are taken as rhetoric for their own advancement. For the advancement of the truth must be told. The labeling that Cdes carry out will never advance the course that some of us want to see. It will not assist anyone let alone the struggle to protect some few ‘Comrades’ who perpetually use workers for self gains as we have seen. Some their seen other structure within the MDM as means of taking a short cut towards ANC leadership and government therefore.

Conclusion
For the advancement of the class struggle the truth must told and there must be no individuals that must protected in process. The COSATU needs to make vivid plan which will say that whenever there is a strike of workers there must be workers solidarity. This might mean that if teachers are striking nurses must join the strike on the bases of worker solidarity. This must also apply the other way around. Hence, government will pay serious attention as a major target in this case will respond together with the private sector. This will means if Mine Workers under NUMSA are striking Securities must join the strike so that workers able to frustrate the private sector hugely and government partial. The will over time be able to unite the workers. This there for calls upon COSATU to organize a mass demonstration not of fee increment but a mass demonstration that going to address the issue of lack of respect from government to workers. Some envisage a day where every worker will not go to work but join a strike on bases of solidarity. That day will mark history for production will come to a stand still. From that day capitalist (private sector) together with government will take the issue of workers serious.

BY MLONDOLOZI MKHIZE